Tuesday 10 December 2013

My Body in Shatat, My Heart in Gaza, My Soul in Beit Daras

My Body in Shatat, My Heart in Gaza, My Soul in Beit Daras May 18 2013 / 2:53 am
The invasion of Beit Daras. (Photo: Palestine Remembered)
The invasion of Beit Daras. (Photo: Palestine Remembered)
By Ghada Ageel
http://www.palestinechronicle.com/my-body-in-shatat-my-heart-in-gaza-my-soul-in-beit-daras/#.UqZMeCL4DIU

On the 65th anniversary of the Nakba (what we Palestinians call the catastrophe of dispossession), Palestinians who were born in historic Palestine and are currently growing old in refugee camps – remain determined to return to the homes and lands from which we were expelled in 1948.  My grandmother, Khadija, is one of them.

A mother of ten, a grandmother of 68, and a great grandmother of 49, Khadija now lives under tragic circumstances in Khan Younis refugee camp, in Gaza.  She previously owned lands and a home in Beit Daras, a village that was part of historic Palestine. (She still have deeds in hand).
Once full of hope and honor, my grandmother is very much like the other seven million Palestinian refugees and their descendants scattered all over the world, including in Occupied Palestine.  In her late 80s, she feels abandoned.


The village of Beit Daras no longer exists in the current world’s maps and consciousness. In its stead, three Jewish-only colonies were established in 1950.  Dispossessed, Palestinians have since faced segregation and isolation from one another.  Some have never been reunited.
As Moshe Sharett, Israel’s second Prime Minister, noted, with none of the obfuscations that often mark the discourse on Israel’s early history: “We have forgotten that we have not come to an empty land to inherit it, but we have come to conquer a country from people inhabiting it.” For those expelled indigenous inhabitants, like my grandmother, 1948 was a man-made tragedy that altered lives and stole aspirations and physical possessions alike. For future generations, including my dad, myself, and my children, 1948 remains a painful bequest.


Situated 46 kilometers northeast of Gaza, approximately one hour by car from Khan Younis refugee camp, Beit Daras – a village of approximately 3,000 people, one elementary school and two mosques – was completely destroyed.   My grandmother’s family lived comfortably, growing a variety of crops, including wheat, barley, lentils, sesame, corn, cucumbers, tomatoes, and sunflowers. Additionally, there were separate fields of orange and citrus trees as well as grapes, figs, and apples.
The most horrific of Khadija’s memories came on a night in May 1948 when the Hagana (the Zionist militia) attacked the village for the third time in less than two months. The shelling seemingly came from everywhere. Terrified, she carried her infant son, Jawad, to look for safety, all the while surrounded by explosions, gunfire and screaming families trying to find a way out.   She has often remarked that a gate to hell opened that day and never closed.


Khadija describes the years she lived in her home village as the happiest time of her life. She has an almost tactile memory of the place.   And as summer approaches Gaza, where the heat is going to be intolerable and compounded by electricity blackouts resulting from the Israeli bombing of Gaza’s only power plant, my grandmother misses her ’illiyya, a room with big windows on the roof of her house used mainly in summer, and made from wood and palm fronds to enjoy the summer breezes and the beautiful view of her village. Squeezed in her refugee camp, she recalls the hundreds of acres of the land she lost. Everything is gone now, including the ‘illiyya, the spectacular view, the breezes, the space, the land, the home, the fields, the dignity and the hope. Nothing is left for her but fond memories, and present bitterness.

Khadija is tired of being offered the same political menus of no solution or inconsequential solutions, such as the two-state solution, which offer no return to what is rightfully hers. For my grandmother, the recent warning of Secretary of State John Kerry that the window of opportunity for a two-state solution is closing is meaningless. Addressing the US House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee, Kerry stated, “I believe the window for a two-state solution is shutting,” and “I think we have some period of time, a year, a year-and-a-half, or two years or it’s over.”

Kerry is a bit optimistic in believing he has another two years to keep the two-state solution alive. Many observers, including my grandmother, think that solution died a while back. A quick survey of the facts on the ground created by Israel over the past 45 years of occupation and colonization of what would have been the future Palestinian state makes it crystal clear that such a solution would no longer work during Obama’s administration – and presumably not in the time of any coming administration. President Obama and Secretary Kerry know very well, or should know, that the two-state game is up.

Washington should face reality, end the charade, and seek new ways forward. The two principal options remaining at this point are Israeli apartheid or granting equal rights for all citizens of Palestine and Israel.


Apartheid would come as no surprise. Many observers already recognize that such a de facto situation has been maintained and supported by a number of U.S. administrations.
The failure of the two-state approach, and movement toward one state with equal rights for all, will undoubtedly mean Palestinian insistence that immigration laws be altered to overcome the current racist prohibition on our right to return to lands from which we were dispossessed.  This right is enshrined in international law and is a demand that hasn’t faded despite the passage of time.


For my grandmother, the fact remains that there is one Palestine and one Palestinian people; there is one injustice and one rights-based solution requiring the overdue implementation of UN resolutions and international law. When international law was drafted, endorsed and signed it was meant to be applicable to all people – including Palestinians. Basic human rights, including the right of return, the right to live, the right to education, the right to health, the right to liberty, surely were not meant to exclude Palestinians.


How many plans, road maps, proposals, initiatives, processes, solutions, and accords do Palestinians need to have? The past 20 years of the so-called peace process have led nowhere. Instead, we have witnessed Israel swallow more Palestinian land, apply more restrictions and checkpoints, expand Jewish-only colonies, and oversee more misery and poverty with the attendant loss of hope.  There is no time left for my grandmother to continue taking the drug of gradualism. Is she not entitled to the same rights as the Jewish immigrants who 65 years ago moved her off her land and out of her home?
The denial of her basic rights, the segregation of her home and land, and the separation from her children and family is intolerable in the early 21st century. She is tired of the efforts of the Israeli government to maintain imposed divisions classifying Palestinians under different categories regarding who needs different permits and passes: West Bank, Gaza, Jerusalem, Diaspora, Israeli Arabs, red IDs, green IDs, blue IDs, and so on.  South African pass laws imported to the Holy Land are no more tolerable here than they were there.

My grandmother’s principal consolation is the education she insisted upon for her children and grandchildren and the determination to instill in us the memory of homeland and desire for freedom. I’ve never been to Beit Daras. But deep in my heart I have an overwhelming feeling for the place. I dream of going though I don’t know if I ever will during my lifetime.  To this day, I feel that my body is in Shatat (Diaspora), my heart is in Khan Younis camp and Gaza, and that my soul is in Beit Daras. It’s a complicated feeling, but that yearning for homeland, even a damaged homeland, is captured by poet Salem Jubran when he states, “As a mother loves her disabled son, I will love you my homeland.”

The current situation urgently demand a drastic revision of the US strategic diplomacy if its political goal is to genuinely achieve regional and global peace.  Palestinians don’t need new initiatives, processes and plans to be submitted to and praised by the Obama’s administration.

Palestinians seek nothing but their rights. They’re looking for an authentic and genuine solution not oratorical game. They need to see real change in the US stance towards their moral case one that deals with the root causes of their issue once and for ever. A stand that has nothing to do with kicking balls or shutting windows.   But one that promises justice, freedom and equal rights for all the people of Palestine/Israel.


- Ghada Ageel is a visiting professor at the University of Alberta and a member of Faculty for Palestine/Alberta. She contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com.

A Phone Call from Gaza December 06, 2013, 02:00 pm


By Ghada Ageel
 
I called my family in Khan Younis recently. The power was off when we talked, but flickered back on just as I was finishing the call. Or so they said.  The majority of their day is now spent without electricity.
Children in some neighborhoods are currently wading through sewage to get to school.  Wednesday night's rain worsened the situation because it led to flooding. Polio, long eradicated, could become a problem. If so, Israel would have Gazans blame Hamas. That seems unlikely.  We are not fools. We have not forgotten Israel is responsible for the siege – and now is aided and abetted in it by the Sisi coup regime to our south.  And, of course, no refugee in Gaza – some 70 percent of Gaza’s 1.7 million people – could ever forget that just a few miles outside of Gaza are the homes and agricultural fields from which we were expelled 65 years ago.

I, for one, have never been able to take my children to see our demolished village. To do so requires rights that Israel is unwilling to extend to those it ethnically cleansed in 1948.  Israel, the occupying power, however, remains responsible for what happens here and one day will be called to account for the injustice of that dispossession.  I have little confidence of legal justice any time soon, but I do believe Israeli officials fear the likelihood that one day they will be called to account for Israel’s actions in an international court of law.  Perhaps that day will be 10-20 years from now, perhaps sooner if the Palestinian Authority displays the kind of moxie that has seemingly always eluded it.There is no way out for most from Gaza.  Too many stultify as a consequence of having few or no positive outlets. 


My own sister in Gaza City, who is well educated and has been outside Gaza’s narrow confines, feels suffocated.  She lives in a fifth-floor apartment with no power, no fuel, and limited transportation service from the flat. Israel, she says, wants Gazans to feel a deep pressure and humiliation every hour of their lives in the hope that they rebel against the Gaza government.


Israel, notwithstanding the vaunted intelligence services that recent Israeli Ambassador Michael Oren touts, is ignorant of the deep longing for freedom that has long animated us and of the ubiquitous Palestinian understanding that Israel is the major impediment to that freedom.  Better our own bad government than the “good” colonial government of Israel or some lackey it helps put in place. It is conceivable Palestinians will turn on governments in Ramallah or Gaza, but it will not be at Israel’s spoken or unspoken behest.  Magical Israeli thinking will not make us embrace collaboration with the evil of occupation and a seemingly permanent subjugation.


My cousin Khalid (who had failure in the liver) paid with his life in 2008 when he rejected an Israeli offer to collaborate in return for a permit to leave Gaza for treatment in an Israeli hospital.  According to the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, Abdullah Abu Athera (age 24), from Rafah, was arrested last month at Erez checkpoint during an interview in which he was trying to secure passage for a November 15 medical procedure to repair his hearing.  There is concern that he, too, may have been asked to spy on his own people.  Most Palestinians would prefer to die in dignity than submit to Israel’s unjust dictates.


Wishing something, as Israeli leaders do regarding Palestinian blame-placing on Hamas, does not make it true.  Yes, Gazans smolder. Yet for the most part the anger does not turn inward, but rather is directed outward – and at worst usually manifests as a pox on all their houses: Israeli, Egyptian, Hamas, Fatah, Arab, American, European, United Nations. There are many to blame and our own leaders do not go without recrimination.  Most Palestinians, however, continue to put the blame squarely on our Israeli besiegers and those living on our confiscated land.

But if our children continue to sift through the filth and feces flooding too many of our streets, the international community can be certain that we will not forget.  In our hours of need, indeed hours passing into decades, what powers will say enough is enough and that putting Palestinians on a “diet” (as Dov Weisglass cruelly put it) and relentlessly pushing Palestinians into a corner represent failed policies?  If the moral obtuseness of imprisoning people in a spit of land is at last acknowledged, will the current American Secretary of State, who once visited here – and had the decency to tell Ehud Barak that preventing the export of pasta to Gaza was wrongheaded – publicly urge the walking back of our siege?

Or will business as usual be easier?  Nobody ever got ahead in American politics by speaking up for Palestinians enduring siege and occupation in Gaza.  But in phone calls from Canada to Khan Younis, I know better than most what decency still exists in Gaza and has not yet been snuffed out even as the lights are extinguished and children’s educational aspirations are shut down by lack of light by which to study.

As the world watches wars and problems not easily rectified around the world, what excuse does it offer for depraved policies keeping Palestinian children in the dark and wading through excrement?

Ageel is a visiting professor at the University of Alberta (Edmonton) and a member of Faculty for Palestine, Alberta.

Thursday 20 June 2013

Mohammed Assaf: The Legend

Mohammed Assaf: The Legend

 

On June 22 in Beirut, 23-year-old Mohammed Assaf became the first
Palestinian to win the Arab Idol contest, earning more than 67 million
votes—the highest tally in the history of the competition.

After the announcement, Palestinians took to the streets of  Khan
Younis refugee camp, where Assaf lives, as well as in Gaza City,
Bethlehem, Nazareth, Jerusalem, Lebanon, Jordan, and elsewhere within
the Palestinian diaspora to celebrate his victory. Fireworks erupted,
tears of happiness rolled down the faces of his fans, and chants were
sung by dancing, joyful crowds. Meanwhile, Gaza’s Ministry of Culture
welcomed Assaf with an official reception upon his arrival to the
Rafah crossing separating Gaza from Egypt.

Nationalistic poems, patriotic hymns, and love songs have always been
an integral part of Palestinian culture, literature, and folklore.
They reflect our lives, shared history and culture, and most
importantly, our spirit and determination to live on despite
oppression, occupation, and state-sponsored violence.

That, perhaps, is why Moshe Dayan, Israel’s former defense minster,
famously remarked that just one of late Palestinian poet Fadwa Tuqan's
poems was "the equal of 20 [Palestinian] commandos."

Born in Libya and raised in Khan Younis refugee camp, a place that his
parents made home, Assaf made a point of singing traditional
Palestinian folk songs during his Arab Idol bid, thus endearing him to
Arab audiences from the Mediterranean to the Gulf. That he did so was
an act of affirmation: After all, his own grandparents were expelled
from the Palestinian village of Beit Daras, which was destroyed and
depopulated by Israel in 1948.

In other words, Mohammed, who has never been to his grandparents’
village, sang for a collective Palestinian patrimony, one that lives
on three generations after our people’s Nakba, or catastrophe. For
millions of Arabs still scarred by the ethnic cleansing of Palestine,
in which three-quarters of its indigenous population either fled
Israel’s creation or was expelled by its merciless militias, Mohammed
is truly an Arab idol.

How he got there illustrates even more profoundly why he deserves the
title. After struggling to enter Egypt from Gaza, Mohammed was late to
the Arab Idol auditions in Cairo. There, it was his mother who
encouraged him not to give up, a boost that helped Mohammed literally
scale the walls of the audition grounds, only to find out that there
were no spots left at the tryouts. Sitting among the other
contestants, holding back tears, he began to sing. The warmth and the
purity of his voice convinced another contestant, also from Gaza, to
give Mohammed his ticket.

The rest, as they say, is history. But Mohammed’s history is
inextricably bound with his people’s. Perhaps the surest proof of that
is that this budding superstar must have Israel’s permission to
perform in the Palestinian West Bank. Going there, though, is a
revolutionary act and one Mohammed is determined to see through. As he
told an Al Jazeera interviewer after his win:

“The revolution is not just the one carrying a rifle. The revolution
is the paintbrush of an artist, the scalpel of a surgeon, the ax of a
farmer. This is something I consider to be logical. Everyone struggles
for their cause in the way they see fit. Today I represent Palestine
and today I'm fighting for a cause also through the art I am
performing and the message that I am sending out.”

Indeed, with such courage and poise, this young man has given a
much-needed lesson to Palestine’s political representatives, who could
only hope to earn a fraction of the votes Mohammed garnered—for his
voice and its authenticity—on that beautiful night in Beirut.

 

 

Ghada Ageel is a visiting professor at the university of Alberta/ Canada, an activist and a member of faculty for Palestine Alberta. Originally form Beit Daras village, Ghada is a third generation of Palestinian refugees and was born and raised in Khan Younis refugee camp

 

Thursday 2 June 2011

Israel’s attack on the Gaza Freedom Flotilla: Looking back a year later





Israel’s attack on the Gaza Freedom Flotilla: Looking back a year later


Submitted by Ali Abunimah on Tue, 05/31/2011 - 08:00


A still from Iara Lee’s footage shows an Israeli Blackhawk helicopter as it drops troops onto the deck of the Mavi Marmara in the early morning of 31 May 2010.

In the early morning hours of 31 May 2010, Israeli forces carried out a violent, unprovoked assault on the Gaza Freedom Flotilla as it sailed in international waters in the eastern Mediterranean.

Israeli commandos in speed boats and helicopters commandeered the six ships killing nine people and injuring dozens more aboard the largest vessel, the Mavi Marmara.

The first alarming reports of the bloody Israeli attack on the Mavi Marmara came via Turkish television and I was able to relay reports and screenshots via Twitter and on my Posterous blog.

Amid intense Israeli efforts to jam communications, any picture, such as this one showing a person with blood on their life vest, gave vital clues to the seriousness and violence of the Israeli assault.

Countering Israel’s propaganda

Israel not only attacked the ships but commandeered them with all their passengers and crew to the port of Ashdod, where they were held incommunicado for many days. All video and photographic footage was confiscated, and media were not allowed to speak to the hundreds of kidnapped passengers. Israel has still not returned the footage and other evidence it stole.

In the first hours and days, Israel’s propaganda – or hasbara – machine went into full swing, publishing false and distorted reports and images – such as the infamous ‘man with a dagger’ photo, and heavily edited and misleading video.

Independent reporting, using information from sources ignored by mainstream media, was key to countering Israel’s propaganda.

Lubna Masarwa, one of the first Mavi Marmara passengers to be released from Israeli custody provided a harrowing eyewitness account, published by The Electronic Intifada on 8 June.

And despite Israeli censorship, independent filmmaker Iara Lee who was aboard the Mavi Marmara managed to smuggle an hour of footage off the ship and past her Israeli kidnappers.

Analysis of this footage has provided vital corroboration of what happened during the Israeli assault, including: the use of European and American weapons and indiscriminate live fire by the Israeli attackers. Iara Lee’s footage also provided a poignant glimpse of the last moments of Turkish journalist Cevdet Kılıçlar, one of the nine people killed.

The flotilla was attacked even as it tried to flee

The Electronic Intifada was able to plot the known positions of the Mavi Marmara on a map and by comparing with other evidence demonstrate that the flotilla was not only in international waters, but heading away from the Israeli coast when it was attacked.

Coverage highlights

Here is a selection of some of the reporting on my Posterous blog, and other coverage, in the days and weeks after the attack:
1 June 2010 Video: Adam Shapiro, Amira Hass, Ali Abunimah, Richard Falk on Democracy Now.3 June 2010 “The day the world became Gaza” - op-ed on Aljazeera.net3 June 2010 Did Israel try to assassinate Sheikh Raed Salah on Mavi Marmara but kill a Turkish engineer instead?4 June 2010 Proof emerges IDF audio of radio communication with Mavi Marmara is fabricated6 June 2010 Israel hasbara fails again: Photos show Mavi Marmara passengers protecting, aiding Israeli soldiersHasbara comedy video further exposes IDF “knife-attacker” photo fraud7 June 2011 Did Israel press on with bloody attack on Mavi Marmara even as ship fled at full-speed?8 June 2011: “The crimes I saw on the Mavi Marmara,” Lubna Masarwa13 June 2010 Video reveals European, American weapons used in Israeli attack on Gaza FlotillaFootage proves indiscriminate Israeli live fire at Mavi Marmara passengers in Gaza Flotilla14 June 2010 The last moments of Cevdet Kılıçlar, a working journalist murdered on the Mavi Marmara15 June 2010 “Independent journalists dismantling Israel’s hold on media narrative,” Abraham Greenhouse and Nora Barrows-Friedman.
Israel’s propaganda and the efforts to counter it were immortalized in Minor Demographic Threat’s brilliant Internet Killed Israeli PR, a parody of the 1979 hit Video Killed the Radio Star by The Buggles.

Finally, as a new flotilla prepares to head to Gaza this summer, Israel’s propaganda campaign against it is already in full swing.

Should the 1967 borders guide Israeli-Palestinian peace plan?



Should the 1967 borders guide Israeli-Palestinian peace plan?

Yes. But the details matter: no conditions, no 'swaps,' no settlements.


May 31, 2011

By Mustafa Barghouthi

President Barack Obama was right to call for a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders. But he should have stopped there. Instead, he added a damaging proviso about "mutually agreed swaps" of land.

Conditions and stipulations trouble Palestinians greatly. Israel used the Oslo Accords not to finalize a peace deal with the Palestinians but to expand settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank -- talking peace while seizing our land. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon was notorious for accepting what American Presidents asked of him. Yet in the next breath he would note his caveats.

Prime Minister Netanyahu imitated Sharon's approach two years ago -- and again last Tuesday in the U.S. Congress -- while reluctantly voicing support for a two-state solution. He said yes to a Palestinian state while simultaneously stripping it of meaningful sovereignty. Israel would maintain major settlement blocs, retain East Jerusalem and a military presence in the Jordan Valley, refuse the return of any Palestinian refugees to stolen homes and land, and ensure that a Palestinian "state" is a nonentity without real sovereignty.

Obama's political opponents and even some of his ostensible allies heavily criticized him by suggesting he was calling for the 1967 borders. In fact, he was merely restating long-standing U.S. policy that an agreement should be based on the 1967 borders, with land "swaps" (itself a euphemism for forcing a bad deal on Palestinian negotiators). Unfortunately he retreated even from this within a few days because of criticism from Israel and its defenders. In his address to AIPAC he went back to President Bush's position that borders will have to take into consideration new realities on the ground, which means acceptance of illegal Israeli settlement expansion.

Our best West Bank land and aquifers would go to Israeli settlements in exchange for sub-standard land elsewhere. Already, Israel uses 80 percent of West Bank water resources and on a per capita basis Israeli settlers use approximately 48 times more water than Palestinians. The current unjust water distribution is likely to be made permanent if Israel keeps settlements, all of which are illegal under international law.

Israel's retention of settlement blocs and a military presence in the Jordan Valley will make our state noncontiguous and nonviable. Our state would be little more than disconnected Bantustans. When the white South African government tried to foist such a plan on the world it was seen as repugnant. Palestinians are surely the holders of the same rights as black South Africans and can no more be expected to accept apartheid conditions than South Africans who rejected inferior rights.

Human Rights Watch recently lent credence to our apartheid concerns with a report detailing Israel's "two-tier" legal system in the occupied West Bank. Such discrimination in favor of settlers and against Palestinians ought to be regarded as reprehensible just as it eventually was viewed in the Jim Crow South. Tragically, it is visible every day in the West Bank.

Israeli threats to annex -- by dint of brute force -- West Bank land as a response to our nonviolent legal efforts this September at the United Nations are troubling. This would, however, highlight the apartheid nature of their policies as our "bantustanized" existence would become more visible. Denied statehood, our cause will eventually be transformed from pursuit of two states to a struggle within one state for one person, one vote.

It would be far wiser for Israel to recognize our state on the 1967 borders -- and the rights provided us under international law -- come September.

Mustafa Barghouthi, a doctor and a member of the Palestinian parliament, was a candidate for president in 2005. He is secretary-general of the Palestinian National Initiative, a political party.

The two speeches of Barack Obama

The two speeches of Barack Obama


By Josh Ruebner - 05/20/11 11

During his speech today at the State Department, President Obama rightfully noted the “hypocrisy of the Iranian regime, which says it stands for the rights of protesters abroad, yet suppresses its people at home.”

But President Obama’s bifurcated speech—the greater part of which centered on the human rights of people throughout the Middle East and North Africa, the lesser part of which re-trod perfunctorily on the Israeli-Palestinian “peace process” — points to an additional double standard that the United States must overcome if it is to have a coherent response to the Arab Spring.


The United States cannot continue to decry violent repression by governments against individuals acting to assert their fundamental human rights while continuing to provide Israel with the means—both weapons and diplomatic support — to continue its human rights abuses of Palestinians without mocking the values it claims to support universally.
President Obama asserted that “we will stand against attempts to single it [Israel] out for criticism in international forums.” Yet, by erasing Palestinians from the Arab Spring and trying to shoehorn Palestinian rights into a moribund and morally bankrupt “peace process” that, under the monopoly of U.S. brokerage, perpetually sublimates Palestinian desires for freedom, justice, and equality to Israel’s “security interests,” it is the President who singles out Israel for special treatment.

By placing Israel’s policies toward Palestinians, and Palestinian efforts to undo those discriminatory policies through nonviolent struggle, outside the context of the changes buffeting repressive regimes throughout the region, President Obama signals that Israel need not abide by the standards to which the United States holds regimes like Libya and Bahrain.

In the President’s view, “We support a set of universal rights. Those rights include free speech; the freedom of peaceful assembly; freedom of religion; equality for men and women under the rule of law; and the right to choose your own leaders – whether you live in Baghdad or Damascus; Sanaa or Tehran.” But if you live in Gaza City, or Ramallah, or in the Palestinian refugee camps of Yarmouk in Syria, or Ein Al-Hilweh in Lebanon, then you need not apply apparently.

In his address to the Muslim world two years ago in Cairo, President Obama chastised Palestinians that they “must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed.” Yet, to this day, President Obama continues to overlook that Palestinians have preponderantly utilized nonviolent protest.

Events of the past week have demonstrated that even when Palestinians engage in the forms of popular, nonviolent protest championed by President Obama, they will still be met with Israeli brutality. And that Israeli repression will not only be tolerated by the United States, but underwritten by it as well.

Last Sunday, to commemorate the 63rd anniversary of the Nakba, or “catastrophe,” as Palestinians term the dispossession inflicted upon them by Israel in 1948, thousands of Palestinian refugees marched unarmed to assert their internationally-recognized, but long-denied, fundamental human right to return to their homes.
Israeli troops killed at least a dozen of these refugees, shooting them with live ammunition, providing a stark reminder of the extent to which Israel will go to maintain its apartheid policies toward Palestinian refugees and deny them their fundamental human rights.

President Obama only referred to the plight of Palestinian refugees as a “wrenching and emotional” issue, not one that should be resolved by compelling Israel to follow international law. Yet, even for Palestinians living under Israel’s occupation of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip, for whom the President showed a degree of empathy in acknowledging their “suffering the humiliation of occupation, and never living in a nation of their own,” the illegitimacy of Israel’s repression of their basic human rights never enters Obama’s lexicon.

Recently, Israel finally released from prison Abdallah Abu Rahmah, who was jailed for nearly one and a half years “for the crime of organizing peaceful demonstrations against the illegal construction of Israel's wall on lands belonging to my village – Bil'in.” The State Department was asked repeatedly about its position on his jailing, and refused to condemn it, mocking President Obama’s demand of Syria to “release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests.”

By lecturing Palestinians that “efforts to delegitimize Israel will end in failure. Symbolic actions to isolate Israel at the United Nations in September won’t create an independent state,” President Obama evoked the supposedly sympathetic white pastors who counseled caution to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. In his “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” King wrote that the worst stumbling block to freedom’s advance is the person who “paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's [or woman’s] freedom.”

Palestinians in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip have been denied their freedom from Israeli military occupation since 1967. Since 1948, Palestinian citizens of Israel have been denied equality, and Palestinian refugees have been denied justice.

Rather than relegate Palestinian rights to the background of an empty “peace process,” President Obama must take the “moment of opportunity” afforded by the Arab Spring to assert that Israel, like every other regime in the region, must respect the humanity, dignity, and rights of the peoples of the region.

Josh Ruebner is the national advocacy director of the U.S. Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation, a national coalition of more than 350 organizations working to change U.S. policy toward Israel/Palestine. He is a former analyst in Middle East Affairs at Congressional Research Service

Wednesday 2 March 2011

The Third Annual Edmonton Israeli Apartheid Week

The Third Annual Edmonton Israeli Apartheid Week
March 14 – 18, 2011

A week of presentations, workshops, film screenings, and cultural events to raise awareness around the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israeli apartheid. All IAW 2011 events are open to everyone, and are free of charge. We look forward to seeing you there!

You can now check out the full schedule of events in Edmonton. For details of IAW events around the world, visit apartheidweek.org.

Presented by Palestine Solidarity Network, endorsed and supported by:
Alberta Public Interest Research Group (APIRG)
Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East – U of A
Cinema Politica Edmonton
Edmonton Coalition Against War and Racism (ECAWAR)
Edmonton Queers Against Israeli Apartheid (EQuAIA)
Edmonton Small Press Association (ESPA)
Independent Jewish Voices (IJV)

If you are part of an organization, union, or collective that would like to endorse Edmonton IAW 2011, please email us at psnedmonton@gmail.com.



About Israeli Apartheid Week

Israeli Apartheid Week (IAW) is an annual international series of events held in cities and campuses around the globe. The aim of IAW is to educate people about the nature of Israel as an apartheid system and to build Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaigns as part of a growing global BDS movement. Last year, Israeli Apartheid Week (IAW) took place in more than 40 cities across the globe.

The past few years have seen a sharp increase of literature and analysis that has sought to document and challenge Israeli apartheid, including reports issued by major international bodies and human rights organizations and findings published by political leaders, thinkers, academics and activists. Many of these efforts have highlighted the role that could be played by people and governments across the world in providing solidarity with the Palestinian struggle by exerting urgent pressure on Israel to alter its current structure and practices as an apartheid state. Prominent Palestinians, Jewish anti-Zionists, and South Africans have been at the forefront of this struggle.

At the same time, an international divestment campaign has gained momentum in response to a statement issued in July 2005 by over 170 Palestinian civil society organizations calling for boycotts, divestment and sanctions (BDS) against apartheid Israel. Important gains have recently been made in this campaign in countries like South Africa, the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States.

The aim of IAW is to contribute to this chorus of international opposition to Israeli apartheid and to bolster support for the BDS campaign in accordance with the demands outlined in the July 2005 Statement: full equality for Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel, an end to the occupation and colonization of all Arab lands – including the Golan Heights, the Occupied West Bank with East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip – and dismantling the Wall, and the protection of Palestinian refugees’ right to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in U.N. resolution 194. In previous years IAW has played an important role in raising awareness and disseminating information about Zionism, the Palestinian liberation struggle and its similarities with the indigenous sovereignty struggle in North America and the South African anti-Apartheid movement. Join us in making this a year of struggle against apartheid and for justice, equality, and peace.

This year marks the third annual Israeli Apartheid Week in Edmonton, and the seventh year the week has been hosted internationally since its founding in Toronto.


WEDNESDAY, MARCH 16, 2011

The Season of Revolt: New Arab Uprisings and Implications for Apartheid
Wednesday, March 16 (7:00 – 9:00 pm)
Telus Building Room 236/238
(Corner of 87 Avenue and 111 Street, U of A Campus)
(Click here for map)

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A fast-paced tsunami of revolutionary uprising is changing the social and political map of the Middle East and North Africa. Triggered by the Tunisian protest movement, this tsunami of change has already ended Mubarak’s 30-year dictatorship in Egypt, and has brought a re-birth of street politics to Algeria, Yemen, Jordan, Bahrain, Morocco, Libya, and other parts of the region. What do these developments mean for Israel and for Palestinians? What is their likely impact on the Palestinian anti-apartheid movement in the occupied territories, as well as inside Israel? Will they trigger a popular protest movement against racialized segregation and disenfranchisement? Finally, to what extent will the recent events change the balance of power in the region and the prospects of continuation of Israeli apartheid?

Panelists:
Dr. Ghada Ageel (PhD from University of Exeter)
Dr. Ibrahim Abu-Rabi (University of Alberta Department of Political Science)
Philip Weiss (Co-editor of Mondoweiss, via Skype)
Moderator: Fayyad Sabha (Palestine Solidarity Network)

About the speakers:

Dr. Ghada Ageel is a third generation Palestinian refugee. She was born and raised in the Khan Younis Refugee Camp in the Gaza Strip, were she attended high school and completed a BA in Education. In 1999, Ghada won the Jerusalem Studies’ Scholarship of the University of Exeter in Britain, where she completed her Master’s degree in Middle East Politics, and her PhD in Refugees Studies. Sine then, Ghada has worked with several organizations and institutions in Canada, UK and Palestine. She currently lives in Edmonton and works at the Canadian Islamic Centre.

Professor Abu-Rabi is a Palestinian who was born in Nazareth, Galilee. He holds dual citizenship in the U.S. and Israel. He is currently the ECMC Chair in Islamic Studies at the University of Alberta, and a professor at the department of Political Science. He has a special interest in the study and practice of interfaith dialogue between the Islamic and Christian religious traditions. Dr. Abu-Rabi specializes in issues of contemporary Islamic thought, particularly on religion and society in the contemporary Arab world, Turkey and South East Asia. Abu-Rabi is the author of Jewish-Muslim Dialogue, Israel’s Fate Will be Tied to the Middle East’s, and Trends and Issues in Contemporary Arab Thought.

Philip Weiss is, along with Adam Horowitz, the co-editor of the online magazine Mondoweiss, a “news website devoted to covering American foreign policy in the Middle East, chiefly from a progressive Jewish perspective.” He has been a contributing writer to the New York Times Magazine and a contributing editor to Esquire, Harper’s Magazine, and the New York Observer.

THURSDAY, MARCH 17, 2011

The Apartheid of Displacement: Voices from the Palestinian Diaspora
Thursday, March 17 (7:00 – 9:00 pm)
Business Building Room 1-5
(11211 Saskatchewan Drive, University of Alberta Campus)
(Click here for map)

Help us spread the word! Invite your friends to the Facebook event.

Since the Nakba (Arabic for “catastrophe”) of 1947-1948, in which some 500 Palestinian villages were destroyed and at least 700,000 Palestinians were forced from their homes or lands, in what Israeli historian Ilan Pappe has called “the ethnic cleansing of Palestine.” The majority of these Palestinian refugees — now numbering over 5.5 million — have since been forced to live in exile, prevented despite multiple UN resolutions and international law to return to their homes, and unable to call any other place home. Come hear the stories of generations of Palestinians living in the diaspora, from refugee camps in neighboring Arab countries to life in western society.

About the speakers:

Dr. Ghada Ageel is a third generation Palestinian refugee. In 1948, her family was expelled from their homes and lands in the village of Beit Daras in what was then known as mandatory Palestine and is now part of Israel. Ghada, was born and raised in the Khan Younis Refugee Camp in the Gaza Strip, were she attended high school and completed a BA in Education. In 1999, Ghada won the Jerusalem Studies’ Scholarship of the University of Exeter in Britain, where she completed her Master’s degree in Middle East Politics, and her PhD in Refugees Studies. Sine then, Ghada has worked with several organizations and institutions in Canada, UK and Palestine. She currently lives in Edmonton and works at the Canadian Islamic Centre.

Samar El-Bekai is a second generation Palestinian refugee. Her father’s family are refugees from Beria, Safaad, while her mother’s family are exiled Palestinians from Salfeet, Nablus. Her parents met and married while studying in the former USSR where after completing their studies they lived for 3 years in Al Yarmook refugee camp in Syria. After which they moved to settle in a village in Lebanon, where Samar was born. There Samar grew up until 10 years of age when her family immigrated to Canada. Samar completed a BSc in Immunology and Infectious Diseases at the University of Alberta and also received a Diploma in Medical Laboratory Technology from NAIT. She is currently employed at the Provincial Laboratory of Alberta as a Medical Lab Tech.

Reem Skeik is a Palestinian immigrant. Her father’s family is from Gaza, while her mother’s family are Palestinian refugees from Jaffa. After their expulsion in 1948, the family lived in Lebanon for a few years, and eventually settled in Kuwait, where Reem was born. After the Gulf War, like many other Palestinian refugees, Reem’s family endured another expulsion. Reem and her family settled in Gaza, where she started her elementary education for the next four years, until immigrating to Canada. In Edmonton, Reem continued her education, completing a BSc in Molecular Biology and Genetics at the University of Alberta. She is currently at the University of Alberta completing her Master’s degree in the same field.

Palestinian refugees sit at Khan Younis refugee camp

Palestinian refugees sit at Khan Younis refugee camp