Tuesday 10 December 2013

My Body in Shatat, My Heart in Gaza, My Soul in Beit Daras

My Body in Shatat, My Heart in Gaza, My Soul in Beit Daras May 18 2013 / 2:53 am
The invasion of Beit Daras. (Photo: Palestine Remembered)
The invasion of Beit Daras. (Photo: Palestine Remembered)
By Ghada Ageel
http://www.palestinechronicle.com/my-body-in-shatat-my-heart-in-gaza-my-soul-in-beit-daras/#.UqZMeCL4DIU

On the 65th anniversary of the Nakba (what we Palestinians call the catastrophe of dispossession), Palestinians who were born in historic Palestine and are currently growing old in refugee camps – remain determined to return to the homes and lands from which we were expelled in 1948.  My grandmother, Khadija, is one of them.

A mother of ten, a grandmother of 68, and a great grandmother of 49, Khadija now lives under tragic circumstances in Khan Younis refugee camp, in Gaza.  She previously owned lands and a home in Beit Daras, a village that was part of historic Palestine. (She still have deeds in hand).
Once full of hope and honor, my grandmother is very much like the other seven million Palestinian refugees and their descendants scattered all over the world, including in Occupied Palestine.  In her late 80s, she feels abandoned.


The village of Beit Daras no longer exists in the current world’s maps and consciousness. In its stead, three Jewish-only colonies were established in 1950.  Dispossessed, Palestinians have since faced segregation and isolation from one another.  Some have never been reunited.
As Moshe Sharett, Israel’s second Prime Minister, noted, with none of the obfuscations that often mark the discourse on Israel’s early history: “We have forgotten that we have not come to an empty land to inherit it, but we have come to conquer a country from people inhabiting it.” For those expelled indigenous inhabitants, like my grandmother, 1948 was a man-made tragedy that altered lives and stole aspirations and physical possessions alike. For future generations, including my dad, myself, and my children, 1948 remains a painful bequest.


Situated 46 kilometers northeast of Gaza, approximately one hour by car from Khan Younis refugee camp, Beit Daras – a village of approximately 3,000 people, one elementary school and two mosques – was completely destroyed.   My grandmother’s family lived comfortably, growing a variety of crops, including wheat, barley, lentils, sesame, corn, cucumbers, tomatoes, and sunflowers. Additionally, there were separate fields of orange and citrus trees as well as grapes, figs, and apples.
The most horrific of Khadija’s memories came on a night in May 1948 when the Hagana (the Zionist militia) attacked the village for the third time in less than two months. The shelling seemingly came from everywhere. Terrified, she carried her infant son, Jawad, to look for safety, all the while surrounded by explosions, gunfire and screaming families trying to find a way out.   She has often remarked that a gate to hell opened that day and never closed.


Khadija describes the years she lived in her home village as the happiest time of her life. She has an almost tactile memory of the place.   And as summer approaches Gaza, where the heat is going to be intolerable and compounded by electricity blackouts resulting from the Israeli bombing of Gaza’s only power plant, my grandmother misses her ’illiyya, a room with big windows on the roof of her house used mainly in summer, and made from wood and palm fronds to enjoy the summer breezes and the beautiful view of her village. Squeezed in her refugee camp, she recalls the hundreds of acres of the land she lost. Everything is gone now, including the ‘illiyya, the spectacular view, the breezes, the space, the land, the home, the fields, the dignity and the hope. Nothing is left for her but fond memories, and present bitterness.

Khadija is tired of being offered the same political menus of no solution or inconsequential solutions, such as the two-state solution, which offer no return to what is rightfully hers. For my grandmother, the recent warning of Secretary of State John Kerry that the window of opportunity for a two-state solution is closing is meaningless. Addressing the US House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee, Kerry stated, “I believe the window for a two-state solution is shutting,” and “I think we have some period of time, a year, a year-and-a-half, or two years or it’s over.”

Kerry is a bit optimistic in believing he has another two years to keep the two-state solution alive. Many observers, including my grandmother, think that solution died a while back. A quick survey of the facts on the ground created by Israel over the past 45 years of occupation and colonization of what would have been the future Palestinian state makes it crystal clear that such a solution would no longer work during Obama’s administration – and presumably not in the time of any coming administration. President Obama and Secretary Kerry know very well, or should know, that the two-state game is up.

Washington should face reality, end the charade, and seek new ways forward. The two principal options remaining at this point are Israeli apartheid or granting equal rights for all citizens of Palestine and Israel.


Apartheid would come as no surprise. Many observers already recognize that such a de facto situation has been maintained and supported by a number of U.S. administrations.
The failure of the two-state approach, and movement toward one state with equal rights for all, will undoubtedly mean Palestinian insistence that immigration laws be altered to overcome the current racist prohibition on our right to return to lands from which we were dispossessed.  This right is enshrined in international law and is a demand that hasn’t faded despite the passage of time.


For my grandmother, the fact remains that there is one Palestine and one Palestinian people; there is one injustice and one rights-based solution requiring the overdue implementation of UN resolutions and international law. When international law was drafted, endorsed and signed it was meant to be applicable to all people – including Palestinians. Basic human rights, including the right of return, the right to live, the right to education, the right to health, the right to liberty, surely were not meant to exclude Palestinians.


How many plans, road maps, proposals, initiatives, processes, solutions, and accords do Palestinians need to have? The past 20 years of the so-called peace process have led nowhere. Instead, we have witnessed Israel swallow more Palestinian land, apply more restrictions and checkpoints, expand Jewish-only colonies, and oversee more misery and poverty with the attendant loss of hope.  There is no time left for my grandmother to continue taking the drug of gradualism. Is she not entitled to the same rights as the Jewish immigrants who 65 years ago moved her off her land and out of her home?
The denial of her basic rights, the segregation of her home and land, and the separation from her children and family is intolerable in the early 21st century. She is tired of the efforts of the Israeli government to maintain imposed divisions classifying Palestinians under different categories regarding who needs different permits and passes: West Bank, Gaza, Jerusalem, Diaspora, Israeli Arabs, red IDs, green IDs, blue IDs, and so on.  South African pass laws imported to the Holy Land are no more tolerable here than they were there.

My grandmother’s principal consolation is the education she insisted upon for her children and grandchildren and the determination to instill in us the memory of homeland and desire for freedom. I’ve never been to Beit Daras. But deep in my heart I have an overwhelming feeling for the place. I dream of going though I don’t know if I ever will during my lifetime.  To this day, I feel that my body is in Shatat (Diaspora), my heart is in Khan Younis camp and Gaza, and that my soul is in Beit Daras. It’s a complicated feeling, but that yearning for homeland, even a damaged homeland, is captured by poet Salem Jubran when he states, “As a mother loves her disabled son, I will love you my homeland.”

The current situation urgently demand a drastic revision of the US strategic diplomacy if its political goal is to genuinely achieve regional and global peace.  Palestinians don’t need new initiatives, processes and plans to be submitted to and praised by the Obama’s administration.

Palestinians seek nothing but their rights. They’re looking for an authentic and genuine solution not oratorical game. They need to see real change in the US stance towards their moral case one that deals with the root causes of their issue once and for ever. A stand that has nothing to do with kicking balls or shutting windows.   But one that promises justice, freedom and equal rights for all the people of Palestine/Israel.


- Ghada Ageel is a visiting professor at the University of Alberta and a member of Faculty for Palestine/Alberta. She contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com.

A Phone Call from Gaza December 06, 2013, 02:00 pm


By Ghada Ageel
 
I called my family in Khan Younis recently. The power was off when we talked, but flickered back on just as I was finishing the call. Or so they said.  The majority of their day is now spent without electricity.
Children in some neighborhoods are currently wading through sewage to get to school.  Wednesday night's rain worsened the situation because it led to flooding. Polio, long eradicated, could become a problem. If so, Israel would have Gazans blame Hamas. That seems unlikely.  We are not fools. We have not forgotten Israel is responsible for the siege – and now is aided and abetted in it by the Sisi coup regime to our south.  And, of course, no refugee in Gaza – some 70 percent of Gaza’s 1.7 million people – could ever forget that just a few miles outside of Gaza are the homes and agricultural fields from which we were expelled 65 years ago.

I, for one, have never been able to take my children to see our demolished village. To do so requires rights that Israel is unwilling to extend to those it ethnically cleansed in 1948.  Israel, the occupying power, however, remains responsible for what happens here and one day will be called to account for the injustice of that dispossession.  I have little confidence of legal justice any time soon, but I do believe Israeli officials fear the likelihood that one day they will be called to account for Israel’s actions in an international court of law.  Perhaps that day will be 10-20 years from now, perhaps sooner if the Palestinian Authority displays the kind of moxie that has seemingly always eluded it.There is no way out for most from Gaza.  Too many stultify as a consequence of having few or no positive outlets. 


My own sister in Gaza City, who is well educated and has been outside Gaza’s narrow confines, feels suffocated.  She lives in a fifth-floor apartment with no power, no fuel, and limited transportation service from the flat. Israel, she says, wants Gazans to feel a deep pressure and humiliation every hour of their lives in the hope that they rebel against the Gaza government.


Israel, notwithstanding the vaunted intelligence services that recent Israeli Ambassador Michael Oren touts, is ignorant of the deep longing for freedom that has long animated us and of the ubiquitous Palestinian understanding that Israel is the major impediment to that freedom.  Better our own bad government than the “good” colonial government of Israel or some lackey it helps put in place. It is conceivable Palestinians will turn on governments in Ramallah or Gaza, but it will not be at Israel’s spoken or unspoken behest.  Magical Israeli thinking will not make us embrace collaboration with the evil of occupation and a seemingly permanent subjugation.


My cousin Khalid (who had failure in the liver) paid with his life in 2008 when he rejected an Israeli offer to collaborate in return for a permit to leave Gaza for treatment in an Israeli hospital.  According to the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, Abdullah Abu Athera (age 24), from Rafah, was arrested last month at Erez checkpoint during an interview in which he was trying to secure passage for a November 15 medical procedure to repair his hearing.  There is concern that he, too, may have been asked to spy on his own people.  Most Palestinians would prefer to die in dignity than submit to Israel’s unjust dictates.


Wishing something, as Israeli leaders do regarding Palestinian blame-placing on Hamas, does not make it true.  Yes, Gazans smolder. Yet for the most part the anger does not turn inward, but rather is directed outward – and at worst usually manifests as a pox on all their houses: Israeli, Egyptian, Hamas, Fatah, Arab, American, European, United Nations. There are many to blame and our own leaders do not go without recrimination.  Most Palestinians, however, continue to put the blame squarely on our Israeli besiegers and those living on our confiscated land.

But if our children continue to sift through the filth and feces flooding too many of our streets, the international community can be certain that we will not forget.  In our hours of need, indeed hours passing into decades, what powers will say enough is enough and that putting Palestinians on a “diet” (as Dov Weisglass cruelly put it) and relentlessly pushing Palestinians into a corner represent failed policies?  If the moral obtuseness of imprisoning people in a spit of land is at last acknowledged, will the current American Secretary of State, who once visited here – and had the decency to tell Ehud Barak that preventing the export of pasta to Gaza was wrongheaded – publicly urge the walking back of our siege?

Or will business as usual be easier?  Nobody ever got ahead in American politics by speaking up for Palestinians enduring siege and occupation in Gaza.  But in phone calls from Canada to Khan Younis, I know better than most what decency still exists in Gaza and has not yet been snuffed out even as the lights are extinguished and children’s educational aspirations are shut down by lack of light by which to study.

As the world watches wars and problems not easily rectified around the world, what excuse does it offer for depraved policies keeping Palestinian children in the dark and wading through excrement?

Ageel is a visiting professor at the University of Alberta (Edmonton) and a member of Faculty for Palestine, Alberta.

Thursday 20 June 2013

Mohammed Assaf: The Legend

Mohammed Assaf: The Legend

 

On June 22 in Beirut, 23-year-old Mohammed Assaf became the first
Palestinian to win the Arab Idol contest, earning more than 67 million
votes—the highest tally in the history of the competition.

After the announcement, Palestinians took to the streets of  Khan
Younis refugee camp, where Assaf lives, as well as in Gaza City,
Bethlehem, Nazareth, Jerusalem, Lebanon, Jordan, and elsewhere within
the Palestinian diaspora to celebrate his victory. Fireworks erupted,
tears of happiness rolled down the faces of his fans, and chants were
sung by dancing, joyful crowds. Meanwhile, Gaza’s Ministry of Culture
welcomed Assaf with an official reception upon his arrival to the
Rafah crossing separating Gaza from Egypt.

Nationalistic poems, patriotic hymns, and love songs have always been
an integral part of Palestinian culture, literature, and folklore.
They reflect our lives, shared history and culture, and most
importantly, our spirit and determination to live on despite
oppression, occupation, and state-sponsored violence.

That, perhaps, is why Moshe Dayan, Israel’s former defense minster,
famously remarked that just one of late Palestinian poet Fadwa Tuqan's
poems was "the equal of 20 [Palestinian] commandos."

Born in Libya and raised in Khan Younis refugee camp, a place that his
parents made home, Assaf made a point of singing traditional
Palestinian folk songs during his Arab Idol bid, thus endearing him to
Arab audiences from the Mediterranean to the Gulf. That he did so was
an act of affirmation: After all, his own grandparents were expelled
from the Palestinian village of Beit Daras, which was destroyed and
depopulated by Israel in 1948.

In other words, Mohammed, who has never been to his grandparents’
village, sang for a collective Palestinian patrimony, one that lives
on three generations after our people’s Nakba, or catastrophe. For
millions of Arabs still scarred by the ethnic cleansing of Palestine,
in which three-quarters of its indigenous population either fled
Israel’s creation or was expelled by its merciless militias, Mohammed
is truly an Arab idol.

How he got there illustrates even more profoundly why he deserves the
title. After struggling to enter Egypt from Gaza, Mohammed was late to
the Arab Idol auditions in Cairo. There, it was his mother who
encouraged him not to give up, a boost that helped Mohammed literally
scale the walls of the audition grounds, only to find out that there
were no spots left at the tryouts. Sitting among the other
contestants, holding back tears, he began to sing. The warmth and the
purity of his voice convinced another contestant, also from Gaza, to
give Mohammed his ticket.

The rest, as they say, is history. But Mohammed’s history is
inextricably bound with his people’s. Perhaps the surest proof of that
is that this budding superstar must have Israel’s permission to
perform in the Palestinian West Bank. Going there, though, is a
revolutionary act and one Mohammed is determined to see through. As he
told an Al Jazeera interviewer after his win:

“The revolution is not just the one carrying a rifle. The revolution
is the paintbrush of an artist, the scalpel of a surgeon, the ax of a
farmer. This is something I consider to be logical. Everyone struggles
for their cause in the way they see fit. Today I represent Palestine
and today I'm fighting for a cause also through the art I am
performing and the message that I am sending out.”

Indeed, with such courage and poise, this young man has given a
much-needed lesson to Palestine’s political representatives, who could
only hope to earn a fraction of the votes Mohammed garnered—for his
voice and its authenticity—on that beautiful night in Beirut.

 

 

Ghada Ageel is a visiting professor at the university of Alberta/ Canada, an activist and a member of faculty for Palestine Alberta. Originally form Beit Daras village, Ghada is a third generation of Palestinian refugees and was born and raised in Khan Younis refugee camp

 

Palestinian refugees sit at Khan Younis refugee camp

Palestinian refugees sit at Khan Younis refugee camp